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According to them, \a quanti er in an embedded clause can, marginally, take matrix scope, as in (a). But if the quanti er has been topicalized, as in (b), its scope is limited to the embedded clause. Incidentally, the present hypothesis (and the proposed theory) exactly predict this di erence. 13 47 Consider the sentence (76), which contains three quanti ers. (76) At least two girls think that exactly three men danced with more than four women. The hypothesis predicts the following readings. (77) (a) two girls > three men > four women This reading is predicted to be available if the sentence (78) (a) is grammatical.

For this, it helps to assume further that three has an implicit premodi er exactly, among other possibilities. Notice of course that we do not mean to imply by this assumption that two companies is synonymous to exactly two companies. The latter is just one disambiguated expression out of many for the former. 2 32 Now consider sentences in (41). 3 These pertain to the situations in which for each student there are possibly di erent two professors who wrote a letter, jointly (the same letter) or independently (a di erent letter).

5 18 correctly predicted to be unacceptable since its NP-Structure representation violates the bound pronoun rule. (20) (a) Everyonei thinks hei is sick. (b) Every mani liked some symphony that hei heard. (c) * Which picture of everyonei does hei like ? Incidentally, since quanti ers in a PP complement position of subject NP are not in a position to c-command pronouns in object NP, the binding relation between such quanti ers and pronouns violates the bound pronoun rule. While this prediction makes sense intuitively, it has occasionally been challenged in the literature.

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A lexical theory of quantification in ambiguous query interpretation by Park J.C.

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